Ni fyddai dim yn rhoi mwy o bleser i fi na gallu pleidleisio heddiw dros weithredu Mesur Cymru a fyddai’n grymuso pobl Cymru o ddifrif, a fyddai’n galluogi’r Cynulliad yma i aeddfedu ymhellach fel Senedd ein gwlad, ac a fyddai’n rhoi i Lywodraeth Cymru yr arfau angenrheidiol i sefydlogi a chryfhau ein heconomi, i greu Cymru fwy iach, ac i gryfhau ein cyfundrefn addysg yn y modd yr ydym ni yma yng Nghymru am ei flaenoriaethu. Ond nid dyna i fi ydy’r Mesur y mae gofyn i ni roi sêl bendith iddo fo. Nid dyma Fesur y gallaf i fod yn hyderus ei fod yn rhoi i drigolion Ynys Môn a gweddill Cymru y math o sicrwydd y dylen nhw ei gael fod gan Gynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru yr hawliau i ddilyn ei gwys ei hun, lle mae angen gwneud hynny, heb i rwystrau mympwyol gael eu rhoi yn ein ffordd gan Senedd Prydain.

I believe passionately that devolution itself should be devolved—that we in Wales should decide on those areas over which we should have responsibility. I believe passionately that any Bill on the future of Welsh competence should come from Wales. And the deeply flawed Bill that we’re being asked to approve today, I believe, is the perfect embodiment of why that is such an important principle. I won’t repeat detailed points made by some of my colleagues about the irrational list of reservations. I could talk about the steadfast refusal to devolve policing, the inexcusable and inexplicable refusal to move towards a distinct Welsh legal jurisdiction—the list goes on. But in terms of our powers to legislate on behalf of the people of Wales, I believe that this Bill, despite concessions that have been made, remains little more than Westminster crumbs dished out by an indifferent UK Conservative Government to a Wales that is meant to consider itself grateful to receive them.

There are, of course, positive elements here, and that is why it is, as Leanne Wood said, with a heavy heart that we vote against the strengthening of powers for this Assembly, as an institution, over its own affairs—over election arrangements, and so on. I, of course, want to see the beginnings of the devolution of income tax in our taxation armoury. I commend work done on the fiscal framework. I, of course, want to see a new funding formula. I understand why others may come to the conclusion that it is worth supporting this because of those positives. The First Minister himself said that the Labour group came to a reluctant decision.

On that point, to those suggesting that we in Plaid Cymru are voting against, somehow in the knowledge, because of the luxury of Labour supporting it, as Simon said we also had detailed, forensic discussions. The case was made to support this. Because I acknowledged the positives, I considered perhaps that even a principled abstention was the right course of action this afternoon. But, in the end, I had to ask myself to what extent the positives are little more than sweeteners to be taken alongside what is otherwise a very bitter Wales Bill pill. The positive of the introduction of a reserved-powers model, in principle, for example, which we have long called for, is undone, rather, is it not, by the mockery of that Whitehall-composed list itself? Plaid Cymru—